The Conservatives sudden interest in "English votes for English
laws” something conveniently happens to put the
Labour Party in Westminster an awkward spot, in relation to the status of its
Welsh and Scottish elected representatives, may be purely coincidental or it
may not. Aside from mixing things up for the Labour Party, one of the main
reasons why the Conservative Party has developed a keen interest in all things
‘English’ is because the UK Independence Party has emerged from the shadows
calling loudly for the reform of the governance of England – something that has
been independently confirmed by the most recent report of the Future of England Survey (FoES).
The survey’s findings don’t make comfortable reading for
the Conservative part of the Con Dem coalition government. The study has noted
a clear and growing dissatisfaction among English voters at the way the UK’s
most populous nation is governed and a preference for an England-wide political
institution to represent English interests. Although the current Conservative
leaders preferred option of English Votes for English Laws (EVEL) has the most
widespread support, it is short of a majority and, when voters in England are
asked who best represents the interests of England, both Mr Cameron and the
Conservative party are well behind Nigel Farage and UKIP.
Yet when it comes to finding an answer to the English
Question, voters continue to place concerns over the governance of England well
behind worries about the influence of the EU. However, there is a clear
dissatisfaction with the current arrangements for governing England – with no
more than a quarter preferring the status quo. The study noted that if somewhat
more tentatively; the support for EVEL appears to be the preferred choice of
voters – again short of a majority – and has gained popularity compared to the
earlier FoES studies in 2013 and 2012.
Support for an English Parliament is of the same order of
magnitude as support for the status quo whereas support for localism either in
the form of regional assemblies or enhanced local government remains very low. While
David Cameron’s suggested answer to the English question may be slightly ahead
but there is growing evidence that neither he nor his party is trusted to
deliver it. When asked “Which party best
stands up for the interests of England?”, the Conservatives ironically came
fourth (16%), behind UKIP (23%), ‘None of the Above’ (19%) and Labour (17%),
although well ahead of the Lib Dems (4%). Much the same pattern is seen in
terms of the party leaders.
Interestingly enough when asked which leader best stands
up for English interests, Nigel Farage was voters’ first choice (22%) his
nearest rival though isn’t even another party leader, it was the ‘None of the Above’ option which came in
second place, with 21% of the survey’s 3,705 respondents in England dismissing
all of the available political leaders. Mr Cameron is third on 15%, just ahead
of Ed Miliband on 13%. The Deputy Prime Minister’s rating matched those of his
party and, at 4%, slightly behind Boris Johnson on 9%.
The Con Dems in Westminster have now issued a Command Paper with a number
of different options in relation to the problem of English votes for English
laws an issue that which been quietly rumbling away in the background since the
1990’s. William Hague’s Command Paper included four main options:
- Simply excluding Scottish and Northern Irish MPs from any role in English and Welsh bills and limiting England-only bills to English MPs
- Basically allowing only English MPs, or English and Welsh MPs, to consider relevant bills during their committee and report stages, where amendments are tabled and agreed, before allowing all MPs to vote on the final bill
- Allowing only English MPs, or English and Welsh MPs, to consider relevant bills at committee stage and giving them a effective veto in a separate vote before their third reading
- There was even a Lib Dem plan for the establishment of a grand committee of English MPs, with the right to veto legislation applying only England, with its members based on the share of the vote.
These, to varying degrees subject to safeguards cold be said to be reasonable
options and despite the bluster from Westminster and the Labour Party, potentially
sensible and fair solution which could be worked out, given sufficient time and
effort on the part of the Westminster based and focused political parties. The problem
is that the on-going row over the issue could result in the real issue of the
legislative imbalance between the different nations and regions within these
islands continuing to remain unresolved.
Part of the problem can be put down to the overly complex nature of
legislation, as bills that appear to relate to England only can include some
well buried clauses that relate to Wales, some of which could have significant
and potentially unforeseen consequences for our country. The way the budget
works at the moment, means that if Welsh MPs are excluded from voting on
English measures there could be a real negative impact on the Welsh budget. At
a very basic level this would be both unfair and unjust.
What’s needed is the implementation of a much more sensible and balanced devolution
settlement whereby the four constituent parts of the British State have the
same legislative and executive powers. Unless this happens then any drift (and
drift may be a fair description) towards developing “English Votes for English
Laws” would be pretty difficult to enforce and could result in the existence several
different tiers of MPs.
The consistent failure over the last 15 years to address the imbalance
between powers and funding in constituent parts of the UK along with cumulative
nature of the fudged and bodged nature of the devolution settlement can no
longer be ignored. The way things stand at the moment the Westminster based and
focused political parties are treating Wales as a second-class nation and will they
may pay for this at the ballot box next May, at least in Wales.
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